Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang

saco-indonesia.com, Seorang pria yang diduga depresi telah meloncat dari menara Base Transceiver Station (BTS) milik salah satu

saco-indonesia.com, Seorang pria yang diduga depresi telah meloncat dari menara Base Transceiver Station (BTS) milik salah satu operator selular di desa Niron, Kecamatan Sibreh, Kabupaten Aceh Besar, Minggu (9/2) kemarin . Akibatnya, pria tersebut langsung tewas seketika.

Menurut keterangan saksi mata, Nazaruddin juga mengatakan seluruh warga telah dikejutkan dengan adanya pria di atas tower sekira pukul 09.00 pagi WIB. Pria tersebut diduga bernama Furqan. Nazaruddin mengaku Furqan sudah sejak pagi berada di atas tower tersebut.

"Kita ketahui Furqan di atas tower itu sekitar pukul 9, sepertinya dia juga sudah sejak pagi naik, saya yang pertama lihat karena tower di belakang rumah saya," kata Nazaruddin di lokasi, Minggu (9/2).

Pukul 11.00 siang WIB, warga histeris dengan tindakan Furqan yang terjun bebas setelah dibujuk untuk turun dari tower tersebut. Furqan telah langsung tewas seketika tanpa sempat dibawa ke rumah sakit.

Kendati demikian, warga setempat juga telah berusaha untuk dapat menolong korban. Bahkan, ada di antara warga yang ingin mencoba untuk naik ke atas tower. Namun, usaha warga tetap gagal hingga akhirnya Furqan melompat ke bawah.

"Kami sudah berusaha untuk dapat membantu, tapi karena keterbatasan peralatan, hingga usaha kami gagal," tukasnya.

Menurut informasi, Furqan baru beberapa hari keluar dari Rumah Sakit Jiwa Zainal Abidin (RSUZA) Banda Aceh. Nazaruddin mengungkapkan Furqan juga merupakan salah satu tetangganya. Furqan dinyatakan sembuh dari sakit jiwa dan diperbolehkan pulang.

"Benar, Furqan sakit jiwa, selama ini dirawat di RSJ Banda Aceh," tuturnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Arsene Wenger berkeras bahwa kekuatan yang telah dimiliki oleh Arsenal musim ini cukup mumpuni, terlepas dar

saco-indonesia.com, Arsene Wenger berkeras bahwa kekuatan yang telah dimiliki oleh Arsenal musim ini cukup mumpuni, terlepas dari semua pertanyaan dan keraguan yang telah ditimbulkan oleh media belakangan ini.

The Gunners untuk sementara ini berada di posisi puncak klasemen berkat atas kemenangan 2-0 atas Crystal Palace di semalam. Namun posisi mereka juga masih bisa bergeser dalam beberapa jam mendatang, menunggu hasil pertandingan antara Manchester City dan Chelsea dini hari nanti.

"Saya dalam menghadapi pertanyaan seperti itu dari awal musim (Apakah skuat Arsenal sudah cukup mumpuni). Kami berada di posisi kami hari ini dan itu tidak mungkin karena kebetulan. Anda tidak bisa beruntung di 24 pertandingan secara beruntun. Itu pasti," tutur Wenger pada Arsenal.com.

"Satu-satunya hal yang bisa saya katakan setelah 24 pertandingan adalah kami akhirnya ada di sana, dan sekarang ini hanyalah soal bagaimana cara kami untuk mengakhiri musim ini," pungkasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Pandaisikek sudah mulai kehilangan salah satu sayuran yang merupakan cirikhas daerah ini yaitu lobak rimbo, dahulunya tanaman sa

Pandaisikek sudah mulai kehilangan salah satu sayuran yang merupakan cirikhas daerah ini yaitu lobak rimbo, dahulunya tanaman sayuran ini adalah salah satu tonggak ekonomi bagi masayarakat petani. Sekitar tahun 1930-1990 tanaman ini hanya di budidayakan di lereng gunung singgalang, walau banyak daerah lain di kaki gunung singgalang tapi sayuran ini hanya ada di pandaisikek , Sehingga terkenalah daerah pandaisikek penghasil sayuran ini. Kemudian pada tahun-tahun berikutnya sampai sekarang sayuran ini dikembanghan di daerah tetangga masih wilayah kaki gunung singgalang, tetapi bibit yang ditanam saat sekarang jauh berbeda dengan yang ditananm di pandaisikek. Mungkin karena usia tanaman ini cukup lama,petani beralih ketanaman sayuran yang lebihcepat produksinya seperti sawi bola,sawi pahit dan sawi manih, Sehingga lobak rimbo ini semakin punah . Petani yang membudi dayakan sayuran ini hanya tingal sekitar 1-2 keluarga saja dan dilahan deadanya saja. Pembudidayaan Lobak rimbo tidaklah memakan biaya yang terlalu besar karena tanaman ini tahan akan berbagai macam penyakit dan hama lain (kurang disukai oleh ulat), sehingga tidak perlu menggunakan banyak pestisida dalam melakukan penyemproyan atau perawatan . Begitu pula dengan pemupukan ,rata-rata pupuk yang paling dibutuh kan oleh sayuran ini adalah pupuk organic atau pupuk kandang. Mungkin kalau keadaan ini terus berlangsung, lobak rimbo akan punah dan tinggal kenangan , Biasanya masayarakat perantau pandai sikek bila pulang kekampung halaman begitu pengen dengan suguhan tanaman kobak rimbo ini yang terlebih dahulu disayur atau cukup di rebus saja. Rasa dari lobak rimbo ini pun begitu khas menbuat selera makan meningkat. Juga biasanya untuk kembali keperantauan tidak lupa untuk membawa lobak rimbo ini sebagai oleh-oleh. Lobak rimbo ini di pasaran juga sangat laris , yang biasa digunakan untuk campuran sayuran yang disuguhkan di rumah-rumah makan di Sumatra barat khusunya bahkan sampai ke provinsi lain di Indonesia, seperti pekanbaru, jambi dan lainya. Akankah Lobak rimbo hanya akan tingal kenangan..?

1. Pengertian Survey dan Pengukuran Survey atau surveying didefinisikan sebagai pengumpulan data yang berhubungan dengan peng

1. Pengertian Survey dan Pengukuran

Survey atau surveying didefinisikan sebagai pengumpulan data yang berhubungan dengan pengukuran permukaan bumi dan digambarkan melalui peta atau digital. Sedangkan pengukuran didefinisakan peralatan dan metode yang berhubungan dengan kelangsungan survey tersebut. jadi, surveying adalah segala sesuatu yang berhubungan dengan pengumpulan data. Mulai dari pengukuran permukaan bumi hingga penggambaran bentuk bumi. Sedangkan pengukuran adalah segala sesuatu yang berhubungan dengan penggunaan alat mulai dari pita ukur hingga pengukuran jarak dengan metode elektro magnetik.
Survey umumnya dilakukan pada bidang datar, yaitu dengan tidak memperhitungkan kelengkungan bumi. Dalam proyek surveying, kelengkungan buminya kecil, jadi pengaruhnya dapat diabaikan, dengan menggunakan perhitungan yang rumusnya disederhanakan. Sedangkan pada proyek yang memiliki jarak jauh, kelengkungan bumi tidak dapat diabaikan, karena keadaan ini termasuk surveying geodesi.

2. Macam-macam Alat Survey dan Pengukuran

A. Peta Topografi

Peta Topografi

a). Pengertian

Peta topografi adalah peta dengan skala tinggi dan detail, dan biasanya menggunakan garis-garis kontur dalam peta modern.

b). Kegunaan

Peta topografi digunakan untuk informasi tentang keadaan, lokasi, jarak, rute perjalanan dan komunikasi. Peta topografi juga menampilkan variasi daerah, tingkat tutupan vegetasi dan perbedaan ketinggian kontur.

B. Kompas Geologi

Kompas Geologi

a). Pengertian

Kompas merupakan alat navigasi penunjuk arah sesuai dengan magnetik bumi secara akurat.

b). Kegunaan

Kompas geologi memiliki banyak kegunaan, diantaranya digunakan untuk mengukur kedudukan suatu unsur struktur geologi, mengukur strike/dip dari kemiringan lapisan batuan, dan tentunya sebagai penunjuk arah.

c). Cara Penggunaan

Dari beberapa sumber, cara menggunakan kompas geologi dilihat dari bagian-bagian utama kompas tersebut. Diantaranya:
  • Jarum Kompas
Jarum kompas selalu menunjuk ke arah kutub utara magnet bumi. Oleh karena itu terjadi penyimpangan dengan kutub utara geografi yang biasa disebut deklinasi. Biasanya deklinasi memiliki besaran yang berbeda disetiap tempat. Agar kompas sesuai dengan kutub utara geografi, maka "graduated circle" harusdiputar.
  • Lingkaran Pembagian Derajat
Ada 2 jenis pembagian derajat dalam kompas ini,
  1. Kompas azimut dengan pembagian derajat muali dari 0 derajat di arah utara sampai 360 derajat berlawanan dengan arah jarum jam.
  2. Kompas kwardan memiliki pembagian derajat dari 0 derajat pada utara dan selatan, lalu 90 derajat pada timur dan barat
  • Klinometer
Bagian kompas yang berfungsi mengukur kemiringan suatu lereng. terletak didasar kompas dan biasanya dilengkapi dengan gelembung pengukur horizontal dan skala.

C. Palu Geologi

a). Pengertian

Palu adalah benda yang digunakan untuk memberikan tumbukan pada benda lain. Ada 2 jenis palu yang digunakan dalam survey, yaitu palu geologi sedimen (palu geosedimen) dan palu batuan beku.

b). Kegunaan

  • Palu Geosedimen
    Palu geosedimen, palu geologi
Sesuai namanya, palu ini digunakan untuk batuan sedimen (berlapis). Hal ini dapat dilihat dari bentuknya yang persegi berguna untuk memecahkan bagian "sampling".
  • Palu Batuan Beku
    Palu batuan beku, palu geologi
Palu ini digunakan untuk batuan neku yang umumnya keras. Ujungnya yang lancip dibuat agar ketika menggunakannya, kekuatan tumbukan terpusat pada ujungnya yang runcing tersebut untuk memecahkan batuan-batuan beku dan mengambil bebatuan yang ingin diamati.

D. LUP

LUP

a). Pengertian

LUP adalah sebuah lensa cembung yang memiliki titik fokus dekat lensanya. Benda yang diamati akan tampak besar karena berada pada titik fokus lup. Bayangan yang dihasilkan bersifat tegak, nyata dan diperbesar.

b). Kegunaan

LUP digunakan untuk mengamati suatu mineral atau fosil kecil, sehingga dibutuhkan lup untuk mengamatinya. Biasanya perbesaran yang dipakai berkisar antara 8 sampai 20.

E. Pita/Tali Ukur

Pita Ukur

a). Kegunaan

Pita atau tali ukur biasanya digunakan untuk mengukur panjang lintasan atau ketebalan suatu lapisan. Pita ini biasanya berbentuk roll agar mudah dibawa

F. Kantong Contoh Batuan

Kantong Contoh Batuan

a). Kegunaan

Kantong contoh batuan atau bisa juga menggunakan kantong plastik digunakan untuk membungkus batuan yang didapat dalam kegiatan survey ini. Contoh batuan setelah dimasukkan kedalam kantong, lalu diberi label agar mudah saat dibedakan. Jika tidak ada kertas label, bisa juga menggunakan spidol permanen.

G. GPS

GPS

a). Pengertian

Global Positioning System atau yang biasa disebut GPS adalah suatu sistem untuk menentukan kordinat letak di permukaan bumi dengan bantuan dari satelit. Sistem ini menggunakan 24 satelit yang mengirimkan gelombang mikro ke bumi, lalu diterima oleh GPS yang ada dibumi.

b). Kegunaan

GPS digunakan untuk menentukan kordinat posisi, kecepatan, arah dan waktu saat survey. GPS juga berguna untuk mengetahui medan lokasi agar kita tidak tersesat.
Jangan lupa membawa batre cadangan ya, bisa berabe kalau tiba-tiba GPS mati ditengah hutan.

H. Larutan HCl

Larutan HCl

a). Pengertian

Asam klorida atau HCl adalah larutan aquatik dari gas hidrogen klorida. Asam klorida termasuk asam kuat yang berbahaya jika diminum, terhirup jika berbentuk gas, dan terkena mata.

b). Kegunaan

Larutan HCL digunakan untuk menguji kadar karbonat dalam batuan, sorting dan determinasi batuan-batuan.
Hati-hati menggunakan larutan ini ya ^^

I. Buku Catatan dan Alat Tulis

Buku catatan

a). Kegunaan

Buku dan alat tulis ini digunakan untuk mencatat semua hasil dari survey yang dilakukan. Mulai dari hasil data ukur, sketsa, deskripsi, letak singkapan dan lain-lain yang perlu dicatat.

J. Kamera

KameraKamera

a). Kegunaan

Kamera digunakan untuk mempublikasikan hasil kegiatan lapangan yang dilakukan, mulai dari lokasi kegiatan, singkapan-singkapan atau bisa juga untuk narsis. Hehehe
Oia, jangan lupa juga bawa baterai cadangan ya ^^

K. Tas Lapangan

Ransel, tas lapangan, backpacker

a). Kegunaan

Tas ini merupakan alat vital yang sangat penting jika ingin melakukan survey. Karena tas ini berguna untuk menaruh semua perlengkapan-perlengkapan yang sudah disebutkan tadi. Tas yang dibawa harus memiliki kapasitas yang cukup besar karena nanti pasti membawa hasil yang dilakukan saat survey.
Kebayang kalau ga bawa tas, pasti ribet dah itu.

ilmu-allah Berkata Malaikat: "Maha Suci Engkau, tidak ada ilmu bagi kami kecuali yang telah Engkau ajarkan kepada kami; sesun

ilmu-allah Berkata Malaikat: "Maha Suci Engkau, tidak ada ilmu bagi kami kecuali yang telah Engkau ajarkan kepada kami; sesungguhnya Engkau Dzat Yang Maha Mengetahui dan Yang Maha Menghukumi" Surat Al-Baqoroh (2:32). Beribu-ribu tahun yang lalu, ketika Allah akan menjadikan Adam sebagai khalifah di muka bumi, para Malaikat sempat mempertanyakan mengapa Allah memilih mahluk yang doyan berbuat kerusakan dan mengalirkan darah menjadi khalifah?. Mengapa bukan justru mereka saja yang terus menerus tanpa putus bertasbih yang dinobatkan menjadi khalifah bumi? Heran. Bagaimana cara Allah menangani keheranan Malaikat? Wa allamal adaama asmaa-a kullahaa diajarkan-Nya-lah kepada Adam nama seluruh benda yang waktu itu ada di muka bumi. Sini tanah, situ pohon, sana batu, sono langit, ini hidung, itu kaki, dst, dst. Setelah itu Allah berkata kepada Malaikat: "Sebutkanlah kepada-Ku nama benda-benda itu jika kalian benar". Malaikat menyerah. Fasajaduu mana sujud para Malaikat itu, kepada Adam, illaa ibliis kecuali Iblis. Hanya ilmu tentang nama-nama benda. Bukan ilmu dasar iptek matematika, fisika, kimia, biologi yang ruwet-rumit. Hanya nama-nama benda. Tidak lebih. Peristiwa Besar Kejadian itu sepertinya hal kecil. Padahal adalah sebuah peristiwa besar. Yang menunjukkan betapa makhluq itu tidak ada apa-apanya dimata Sang Khaliq. Malaikat dibuat dari cahaya. Manusia dibuat dari tanah. Tugas manusia adalah beribadah kepada Allah. Tugas Malaikat adalah, antara lain, mencatat amal baik dan amal buruk manusia. Dari hal-hal itu, seorang anak kecil saja bisa menarik kesimpulan bahwa kedudukan Malaikat lebih tinggi dari manusia. Tapi mengapa Malaikat kalah ketika di test nama-nama? Padahal hanya nama-nama sederhana? Kalah oleh manusia yang ingredient alias ramuan bahan dasarnya saja lebih rendah?. Jawabnya: karena Allah menghendaki demikian. Karena Allah menghendaki mengajarkan kepada Adam ilmu nama-nama yang tidak pernah diajarkan-Nya kepada Malaikat. Einstein-Hawking Jika ditanya siapakah ilmuwan-ilmuwan terbesar sepanjang masa, maka Albert Einsten dan Stephen Hawking adalah dua nama diantaranya. Yang pertama terkenal dengan teori relativitasnya, yang kedua terkenal dengan teori big bang alias dentuman besarnya. Teori apa itu? Bukan porsi artikel ini untuk menjelaskannya. Jawaban terhadap pertanyaan mengapa kecemerlangan otak mereka tidak diberikan kepada ilmuwan Muslim melainkan justru diberikan kepada ilmuwan atheis, identik dengan jawaban terhadap pertanyaan mengapa ilmu nama-nama tidak diberikan kepada Malaikat. Diantara 25 Nabi, ada 5 Nabi yang mendapatkan peringkat Ulul Azmi: Fashbir kamaa shobaro uulul azmi shobarlah sebagaimana rasul yang diberi keshobaran hati. Mereka adalah Nuh, Ibrahim, Musa, Isa dan Muhammad. Tetapi mengapa Musa sampai harus meminta-minta diajari ilmu mengetahui masa depan kepada Nabi Khidir yang di dalam daftar 25 Nabi pun, tidak ada? Tragisnya, boro-boro mendapatkan ilmu, Musa menjadi murid Khidir pun, gagal, karena tidak bisa menahan diri untuk tidak bertanya atas berbagai hal yang memang aneh dan layak ditanyakan. Misalnya, dengan enaknya Khidir membunuh orok yang masih merah, dll. Mengapa Khidir lebih pintar dari Musa? Jawabnya: karena Allah menghendaki demikian. Dikejadian lain, mengapa Musa yang Ulul Azmi bisa dikalahkan oleh ilmunya Balan bin Bauro sehingga muter-muter selama 40 tahun sampai bisa menemukan Baitul Maqdis? Jawabnya: karena Allah menghendaki demikian. Jika sejak tahun 1886 mobil Merdeces-Benz menemukan puluhan ribu paten, maka setiap paten sesungguhnya adalah Ilmu Allah, hanya saja awalnya ditemukan oleh orang Jerman, Tuan Gottlieb Daimler dan Tuan Carl Benz. Dst., dst. Tidak ada secuilpun di dunia ini yang tidak didasarkan atas ilmu Allah. Bahkan sekedar nama-nama benda. Ikhtilaf Sayang sekali, untuk 1 ilmu yang sama, Allah memberi keleluasaan kepada manusia untuk menafsirkannya secara berbeda. Terutama ilmu-ilmu non-eksakta. Untuk ilmu eksakta, atau dulu disebut ilmu pasti, dimana-mana di belahan dunia manapun yang namanya 2 kali 2 hasilnya 4; yang namanya air selalu mengalir ke tempat yang lebih rendah; yang namanya kecepatan cahaya selalu jauh lebih besar daripada kecepatan suara; dst., dst. Tetapi bagaimana dengan ilmu yang satu ini yang berbunyi: al-jamaaatu rohmatun wal firqotu adzabun jamaah adalah rohmat dan pecah belah adalah siksa. Ada seabrek pengertian yang dimaksud jamaah, ada seabrek pengertian yang dimaksud rohmat, ada seabrek pengertian yang dimaksud firqoh, dan ada seabrek pengertian yang dimaksud adzab. Kalau dibuat matriks 4x4 jamaah-rohmat-firqoh-adzab, maka pengertiannya sudah pasti seabrek-abrek. Maka disinilah fungsinya isnad atau mata rantai yang menjamin tersambungnya dengan pengertian yang sebenarnya dengan apa yang diajarkan dan dimaksudkan oleh Nabi. Disinilah pentingnya ilmu asbabun-nuzul atau sebab-sebab turunnya sebuah ayat Al-Quran atau asbabul-wurud atau sebab-sebab adanya sebuah hadits. Disinilah penting hadits Bukhori, Muslim, Nasai, Abu Daud, Tirmidzi, Ibnu Majah, dsb. Ilmu Tidak Bermanfaat. Hah! Mosok iya ada ilmu yang tidak bermanfaat? Yakin, haq: ada!. Buktinya Nabi mengajarkan doa yang dibaca sebelum minum air zamzam: Alloohumma innii as-aluka ilman naafia Ya Allah hamba memohon ilmu yang bermanfaat. Bukti lain, di hadits lain, Nabi mengajarkan doa: Alloohumma innii auudzu bika min ilmin laa yanfa Ya Allah hamba berlindung dari ilmu yang tidak bermanfaat. Nah. Banyak ilmu ternyata tidak selamanya identik dengan orang faqih atau orang faham. Faqihun wahidun asyaddu alasy syaithooni min alfi aabid Satu orang faqih lebih berat bagi syaithan daripada seribu orang yang bodoh. Jadi bukan orang yang banyak ilmunya yang ditakuti syetan. Tapi orang faqih. Satu ketika ada seorang sahabat yang menyimpan sedekah di sebelah mimbar di masjid, dengan harapan diambil oleh orang miskin. Apa yang terjadi? Sedekah tadi diambil oleh seorang pencuri. Di lain hari, disimpannya lagi sedekah di sebelah mimbar masjid, dengan harapan yang sama. Apa yang terjadi? Sedekah tadi diambil oleh orang tidak baik lainnya. Demikian seterusnya. Sohabat tadi kemudian lapor kepada Nabi yang kemudian dijawab bahwa pada saat sedekah itu diletakkan di sebelah mimbar, pahalanya sudah diterima di sisi Allah. Ilmu Allah dari hadits diatas adalah, saat sedekah, pahala sudah jadi. Urusan sedekah itu menjadi apa, sudah menjadi urusan Allah. Identik dengan keadaan masa kini. Saat seorang Mumin menyerahkan sedekahnya kepada Baitul Maal wa Tamwil (BMT), saat itu pahalanya sudah diterima oleh Allah. Terserah Allah, melalui pengurus BMT mau diapakan sedekahnya itu. Itulah ilmu Allah, sebagaimana yang dapat dipetik dari hadits sedekah yang diambil bukan oleh orang miskin diatas. Sebaliknya mereka yang sedekah kemudian mengungkit-ungkit, mencari-cari, berprasangka, suudzon tanpa hak, itu adalah Ilmu Syetan yang mengajak menghancur-leburkan amal sedekahnya sendiri. Yaa ayyuhalladziina aamanuu laa tubtiluu shodaqootikum bil manni wal adza Wahai orang-orang yang beriman janganlah kalian membatalkan sedekahmu dengan mengungkit-ungkit dan menyakitkan hati. Nah, apalagi kalau bukan Ilmu Syetan yang membatalkan amalan? Ibadah Ghoiro Maghdhoh Definisi syirik sudah jelas. Ada di Al-Quran dan ada di Al-Hadits. Syirik yang terang-terangan alias dzahar adalah menyembah kepada selain Allah, atau menduakan Allah. Syirik yang samar alias khoufi adalah ibadah mengharapkan sesuatu selain pahala dari Allah. Segala macam syirik ganjarannya adalah dimasukkan kedalam neraka. Maka itu terhadap pendapat yang menyatakan bahwa menghormat bendera adalah perbuatan syirik, sudah pasti disebabkan bingung tidak bisa membedakan antara menyembah dengan menghormat. Hormat bendera adalah bagian dari kewajiban warga negara untuk selayaknya menghormati segala atribut yang melambangkan kebesaran negara. Bahkan untuk hal-hal tertentu, pelecehan terhadap atribut negara menimbulkan konsekwensi hukum. Jika istiqomah konsisten dengan keyakinannya, yang menyatakan syirik terhadap menghormat bendera, seharusnya menyatakan syirik pula terhadap yang mentaati lampu setopan di perempatan jalan, dan yang mentaati tukang parkir, karena bukankan taat itu hanya kepada Allah dan Rasul? Bahkan seharusnya menyatakan perbuatan syirik pula terhadap pembayaran STNK, pembuatan KTP dan SIM, dll., dll., bukan? Karena kebanyakan ilmu, namun bukan Ilmu Allah, melainkan royu ilmu fikiran sendiri, maka syetan pun masuk. Padahal royu itu sangat berbahaya. Sabda Nabi, barang siapa yang berkata dengan royu alias fikiran sendiri - fa ashooba faqod akhto umpamapun perkataannya benar, maka tetap saja salah. Apalagi perkataannya salah. Pantas bingung. Kalau sudah bingung, firman Allah tsummun bukmun umyun tuli bisu buta, fahum laa yarjiuun maka mereka tidak bisa kembali. Alhamdulillah bagi mereka yang bisa mengamalkan ibadah maghdhoh yang berkaitan dengan Rukun Iman percaya kepada Allah, Malaikat, Kitab, Nabi, Qodar dan Kiamat; serta ibadah yang berkaitan dengan Rukun Islam Syahadat, Sholat, Zakat, Puasa dan Haji. Alhamdulillah bagi mereka yang bisa membedakan mana ibadah ghoiro maghdhoh yang tidak berkaitan dengan kedua rukun diatas, melainkan ibadah sosial. Yaitu memiliki keyakinan bahwa menjadi warga negara yang taat kepada Pemerintah yang sah serta menghormati 4 pilar (1) Pancasila, (2) Undang-undang Dasar (UUD) 1945, (3) Bhineka Tunggal Ika dan (4) NKRI, adalah bagian daripada ibadah. Hanya Ilmu Allah yang sebenarnya yang bisa membawa keyakinan seperti itu. Maka sesekali tirukanlah ucapan Malaikat ketika menyerah kepada Allah untuk sujud kepada Adam: Ya Allah, tidak ada ilmu bagi kami kecuali yang telah Engkau ajarkan kepada kami. Kalau sudah demikian, setinggi apapun ilmu agama dan ilmu dunia yang dikuasai, bagaimana mungkin masih bisa sombong? Fa aina tadzhabuun? Liwon Maulana (galipat)

Halaman gedung Pusat Pemerintahan Kota Cilegon di Kelurahan Ramanuju, Kecamatan Purwakarta telah terendam air mencapai 15 cm, Rabu (12/3) pagi. Gedung yang juga merupakan kantor Wali Kota Tb Iman Aryadi digenangi air setelah diguyur hujan deras beberapa saat saja.

Halaman gedung Pusat Pemerintahan Kota Cilegon di Kelurahan Ramanuju, Kecamatan Purwakarta telah terendam air mencapai 15 cm, Rabu (12/3) pagi. Gedung yang juga merupakan kantor Wali Kota Tb Iman Aryadi digenangi air setelah diguyur hujan deras beberapa saat saja.

Untungnya, genangan air akibat buruknya drainase di area kantor tersebut hanya merendam halaman perkantoran dan tidak masuk dalam gedung karena posisi gedung cukup tinggi. Saluran air di area tersebut tersumbat oleh sampah, dan telah mengakibatkan air meluap.

Akibat genangan air ini, selain menggagalkan upacara rutin yang dilakukan oleh jajaran pemerintah cilegon juga telah menyebabkan PNS yang bekerja di kantor tersebut sulit untuk masuk kantor.

Salah seorang PNS Samsuri, mengaku terkejut ketika akan masuk kerja melihat genangan air itu. "Baru kali ini terjadi. Biasanya hanya genangan sedikit saja, sekarang merata air merendam halaman gedung," ujarnya.

Sedikit meninggalkan permasalahan yang masih terjadi pada pendataan dapodik 2012 yang berakibat pada tersendatnya pencairan

Sedikit meninggalkan permasalahan yang masih terjadi pada pendataan dapodik 2012 yang berakibat pada tersendatnya pencairan tunjangan tahun 2013 dan sebagainya. Alangkah baiknya para operator dan para ptk, terutama penerima tunjangan sudah mulai mempersiapkan diri untuk mengetahui kapan proses pendataan masuk kemudian data kita diolah termasuk saat kapan bisa diperbaiki terutama terkait tunjangan tahun 2014 agar permasalahan yang terjadi sebelumnya bisa dihindari.

 

Rencana 2014 terkait tunjangan :

    Semua penerbitan SK Tunjangan berdasarkan dapodik versi baru. (Dapodikdas 2013)
    Data yang digunakan untuk penerbitan SK tunjangan adalah :

    Data Semester  Genap  2013-2014 untuk pembayaran tunjangan periode januari sd juni 2014
    Data Semester  Ganjil 2014-2015 untuk pembayaran tunjangan periode juli sd desember 2014

Jan-Feb 2014 : Periode Updating Data

    Para Guru dipersilahkan melakukan pembaharuan data melalui Aplikasi dapodik untuk data semester 2 TA. 2013-2014.
    Sinkronisasi antara Server Dapodik dan Server P2TK Dikdas akan dilakukan secara rutin setiap hari.
    Para guru dipersilahkan melakukan pengecekan data melalui Halaman Verifikasi Guru (Info Guru)
    P2TK akan melakukan Penutupan Sinkronisasi (Closing) data pada tanggal 1 Maret 2014, maka sejak tanggal ini pembaharuan pada aplikasi dapodik untuk Tri Wulan 1 tidak akan masuk ke server P2TK Dikdas.
    Kesalahan pengentrian pada  aplikasi dapodik yang menyebabkan kerugian apapun pada Guru menjadi tanggung jawab Guru ybs, karena sudah diberikan waktu untuk pengecekan melalui lembar info guru.

Tgl 1-15 Maret 2014 : Periode Pengolahan Data TW1
P2Dikdas akan melakukan pengolahan sbb :

    Penghitungan jumlah jam mengajar
    Penghitungan jumlah murid
    Penghitungan jumlah jam rombel
    Pengecekan Data Sarana dan Prasarana (Perpustakaan dan laboratorium)
    Pengecekan Tugas Tambahan, dll

Hasil pengolahan akan menentukan :

    Nominasi penerima Aneka Tunjangan untuk semua kabupaten / kota
    Guru bersertifikat pendidik yang dapat di SK kan untuk mendapatkan hak bayar pada Triwulan 1 (jan-mar 2014)

16-23 Maret 2014 : Periode Pengusulan SK

    Operator Dinas Kab/Kota melakukan pengusulan untuk :

    Penerima Tunjangan Fungsional (Semester  1)
    Penerima Bantuan Kualifikasi Akademik (Semester 1)
    Penerima Tunjangan Guru Daerah Khusus (Triwulan 1)
    Penerima Tunjangan Profesi  (Triwulan 1)

    Dinas Provinsi melakukan kordinasi dengan Dinas Kab/kota.
    Operator Dinas Prov. melakukan Penyetujuan/Penolakan atas usulan kab/kota

24 -31 Maret 2014 : Periode Penerbitan SK

    P2TK Dikdas akan menerbitkan SK Tunjangan Profesi dan Aneka Tunjangan bagi guru guru yang dinyatakan memenuhi syarat memperoleh Tunjangan.
    Walaupun SK Penerima Tunjangan berlaku setahun, namun dalam proses pembayaran harus memperhatikan pemenuhan syarat penerima tunjangan, misalnya :

    Status Aktif guru (Aktif/Cuti/Wafat/Pensiun/dll)
    Status Kepegawaian (PNS/GTT/GTY/dll)

April 2014 : Periode Pembayaran TW1 & SMT1

    Penerima SK TP yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 berhak menerima Tunjangan Profesi untuk Triwulan 1 (januari-maret), kecuali untuk Guru yang wafat/pensiun/cuti di tengah triwulan. Jumlah hak bulan disesuaikan dengan masa aktif. Misalnya pensiun maret 2014 maka ybs berhak 2 bulan saja.
    Penerima SK-TF yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 berhak menerima T. Fungsional untuk Semester 1 (periode januari sd juni 2014).
    Penerima SK-Tunjangan Kualifikasi yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 berhak menerima T. Kualifikasi untuk Semester 1 (periode januari sd juni 2014).
    Penerima SK-Tunjangan Khusus yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 berhak menerima T. Khusus untuk Triwulan 1 (periode januari sd Maret 2014)

Mei 2014 : Periode Updating Data Dapodik Susulan TW2
Pada bulan Mei 2014, P2TK Dikdas akan membuka kembali sinkronisasi dengan Server Dapodik. Hal ini untuk mengakomodasi pembaharuan data yang diakibatkan :

    Guru tidak mendapat jam pada Triwulan 1 namun dapat memenuhi pada Triwulan 2.
    Adanya peralihan jam karena Guru Mutasi, Wafat atau Pensiun setelah Triwulan 1.

1-14 Juni 2014 : Periode Pengolahan Data Susulan TW2

    P2TK akan kembali melakukan Closing data pada tanggal 1 juni 2014 untuk data Dapodik TW2.
    P2TK akan melakukan pengolahan data dapodik yang masuk per 1 juni 2014.
    Hasil dari pengolahan data tersebut akan menentukan penerima Tunjangan Profesi pada TW 1 yang tidak berhak lagi menerima pada TW2 yang diakibatkan :

    Kehilangan jam mengajar pada TW2.
    Tidak aktif menurut dapodik karena sakit, pensiun, wafat, cuti, dll
    Dibatalkan tunjangannya karena sebab sebab tertentu oleh dinas kabupaten/Kota

    Hasil dari pengolahan data tersebut akan menentukan penerima Tunjangan Profesi

    Guru bersertifikat pendidik  yang yang belum mendapat  SKTP pada bulan maret (tidak mendapat tunjangan TW1), namun sudah memenuhi syarat untuk TW2.
    Nominasi Tunjangan Khusus yang dapat menggantikan penerima tunjangan yang dibatalkan pada TW 2 karena sebab-sebab tertentu.
    Penerima Tunjangan Khusus pada TW 1 yang tidak berhak lagi menerima pada TW2 yang diakibatkan hal yang sama dengan Tunjangan Profesi.

15-23 Juni : Periode Pengusulan Susulan
Dinas Kab/kota melakukan pengusulan untuk Penerima Tunjangan Profesi susulan.
Dinas Kab/kota melakukan pengusulan untuk Penerima Tunjangan Khusus Pengganti
Dinas Provinsi melakukan Kordinasi dengan Dinas Kab/Kota
Dinas Provinsi melakukan penyetujuan/penolakan usulan dinas Kab/Kota

23-31 Juni :Periode Penerbitan SK Susulan TW2

    P2TK Diknas akan menerbitkan SK Tunjangan Profesi bagi guru guru yang dinyatakan memenuhi syarat memperoleh Tunjangan pada TW2 namun belum di sk kan pada TW1.
    P2TK akan menerbikan SK tunjangan Khusus pengganti untuk TW2 (jika ada)

Juli 2014 : Periode Pembayaran TW2

    Penerima SK TP yang terbit pada bulan Maret 2014 berhak menerima Tunjangan Profesi untuk Triwulan 2 (april-juni), kecuali untuk Guru yang dinyatakan kehilangan haknya akibat tidak memenuhi syarat, misalnya kehilangan jam mengajar pada TW2, wafat, pensiun atau sebab lain sesuai peraturan yang berlaku.
    Penerima SK TP yang terbit pada bulan Juni 2014 berhak menerima Tunjangan Profesi untuk Triwulan 2 (april-juni), kecuali untuk Guru yang wafat/pensiun/cuti di tengah triwulan. Jumlah hak bulan disesuaikan dengan masa aktif. Misalnya pensiun Juni 2014 maka ybs berhak 2 bulan saja.
    Penerima SK-Tunjangan Khusus yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 namun dibatalkan karena sebab sebab tertentu tidak berhak mendapatkan tunjangan untuk Triwulan 2.
    Penerima SK Tunjangan Khusus Pengganti berhak menerima Tunjangan (hanya) untuk TW2 saja.

 

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
60
40
20
0
White
Black
May '14
May '15
Generally bad
Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
Getting worse
Staying the same
Getting better
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37
17
46
36
16
41
42
15

The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

Continue reading the main story
How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
Mostly safe
Mostly anxious
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
75%
21
3
81
16
3
51
42
7
Continue reading the main story
In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
Police more likely to use deadly force against a white person
Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
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All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37%
79%
2%
2%
1%
46%
53%
16%
9%
8%
4%
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Do you favor or oppose on-duty police officers wearing video cameras that would record events and actions as they occur?
Favor
Oppose
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All adults
Whites
Blacks
92%
93%
93%
6%
5%
5%
2%
2%
2%

Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

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As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
A lot
Some
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All adults
Whites
Blacks
29%
31
22
14
5
31
33
20
11
5
20
26
30
22
In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
Justified
Not justified
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
28%
61
11
26
64
11
37
57
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BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.